Energy Independence, the Brazilian Example
By Jeff Bennett
Ethanol is transforming Brazil from an iconic nation with alluring beaches and a glamorous nightlife to a trend setting pioneer in its pursuit for energy independence. Currently various nations hungry for their own sovereign energy sources, like the United States, look toward Brazil in hopes of replicating its success in creation of a future less-reliant on oil-based energies.
It helps Brazil is the world’s top-grower of sugar cane, a crop grown naturally in coastal wet-dry climates and used to produce ethanol from its sucrose. Because of this, the industry liberates drivers from only relying on gasoline at the pumps, displacing nearly half of its national gas consumption.
More than 33,000 filling stations offer drivers the option of filling up on ethanol, a fuel source cheaper than gasoline, said Adehamr Altieri, communication director in Sao Paulo for UNICA, The Brazilian Sugarcane Industry Association.
“Many citizens … choose ethanol over gasoline because it saves them money,” Altieri said.
In Brazil’s southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, Pastor Daniel Lima drives a gasoline powered car the filling station and is sometimes envious of the price disparity between ethanol and gas. “Ethanol prices are roughly 60 percent of gas prices,” Lima said. Or, according to the National Petroleum Agency, a liter of ethanol costs about 63 cents, in U.S. dollars, while a liter of gasoline is around 1.07 USD.
Lima is unable to capitalize on ethanol’s price break. He does not drive one of the innovative cars made by the Brazilian automobile industry, which is tailored to the driver’s preference between the two fuel sources.
“Here, we had the car that ran completely from ethanol and the one … that drives on gasoline,” said Ramon Antunes, a student at Uni business college in Belo Horizonte within the state of Minas Gerais – one of the nation’s top-three ethanol producing states.
Interestingly, Antunes said the ethanol car is no longer in production and was replaced by the flex-fuel car, a vehicle that can run on either ethanol, gasoline or a mixture of both, but typically ethanol since it is always cheaper.
“Flex-fuel cars are O.K.,” he said. “My friends like them because if they don’t have much money in the pockets, they can fill up on the cheaper ethanol or a mixture. They are made by Fiat, Volkswagen, Honda, Ford and are just like any other car but a little more expensive.”
Brazilian industry experts are optimistic the reliable flex-fuel automobile will boost ethanol sales in promotion of their energy independence. To facilitate this cause, Altieri says the Brazilian motorists drove 4.5 million flex-fuel vehicles on the roadways, which was roughly 20 percent of all light automobiles in 2007. He also expects these numbers to grow to around 10 million in 2010.
The option to select between ethanol and gasoline in Brazil has stirred envy in some U.S. motorists who clamor for alternative fuels other than gasoline. However, previous Brazilian examples show that ethanol is far from a perfect solution.
“In the first few years cars that ran on ethanol became famous for some problems, especially starting in cold mornings,” Lima said. “I know that this has changed as the technology was further developed, but there is an image that still lingers that an ethanol car is not as reliable as a gas car.”
Since ethanol burns at a higher temperature than gasoline, it makes cars that run entirely on the fuel hard to start during cool weather mornings particularly in states like Rio Grande do Sol. The defect became apparent in the early 1980s when the car was quickly subsidized by the government in promotion of its sales. The subsidy helped create a high demand for the vehicle, which in turn boosted ethanol sales, said Sarah Faria, another student at Uni business college.
“There was an ethanol shortage in the 1980s” when ethanol producers could not meet domestic demand for the fuel source, said Faria. Since then “Brazilians are not as comfortable relying only on ethanol.”
The vehicle was also less fuel efficient.
“Ethanol cars tend to get roughly 10 percent less mileage than a gasoline car,” said Lima. This is a caveat to why he believes the ethanol car never reached a market share of 50 percent in Brazil and today is seldom seen on the roadways.
According to Antunes, the Brazilian automakers discontinued production of the ethanol cars and began production of the trendy and popular flex-fuel automobile around 2002.
Like Brazil, U.S. car makers are incorporating the flex-fuel vehicle into their market to utilize America’s version of ethanol, E85, a corn-based mixture composed of 85 percent ethanol and 15 percent gasoline. Similar to the Brazilian eagerness to decrease gasoline consumption, U.S. consumers are zealously purchasing flex-fuel automobiles.
According to the Center for American Progress, more than 4.4 million flex-fuel vehicles traversed U.S. roads, almost equaling Brazilian totals. Yet, still in its ethanol infancy, the U.S. has not duplicated Brazil’s achievements to make ethanol readily available for driver consumption.
According to the U.S. Department of Energy, around 1,600 out of more than 170,000 gas stations offered E85 to American drivers in 2008. Nonetheless, as Brazilian drivers save hundreds of dollars filling their tanks with ethanol, they are thankful for its abundant presence in their nation.
“I think right now in Brazil it’s a big thing to have a flex-fuel car and the choice to use ethanol with the changing oil barrel prices,” Antunes said.
Tuesday, February 17, 2009
Colombian Sentiment toward a Possible U.S./Colombia Free Trade Agreement
by Cristina Mutchler
President Barack Obama opposed the ratification of a U.S./Colombia trade agreement when he was a Democratic Senator from Illinois. He was concerned about Colombia’s human rights record and violence against union leaders. Colombia Reports journalist Garry Leech, who works in some of the most dangerous regions of the country and was previously held captive by the FARC revolutionaries, says the recent reduction in Colombian violence pushed President Obama to change his mind. He says the pact will most likely be approved by the U.S. Congress this year, after human rights and environmental “safeguards” are inserted into the agreement text.
Former President George W. Bush said that one of the biggest disappointments of his second term was not winning approval of trade agreements. Despite past set-backs, Colombia Reports Editor Adriaan Alsema says, “The approval bill came at the wrong time when former President Bush had very little support. My guess is in the end (the president) will think the trade pact or keeping Colombia as an ally serves the U.S.”
On the brink of the economic crisis this past November, some were pushed for the trade pact, emphasizing that it would be positive for both the U.S. economy and its workers. Furthermore, the agreement may enhance U.S. foreign relations and competitive markets, says El Colombiano journalist Diego Gómez. Leech says the principle benefits would be for U.S. companies that want to export manufactured goods and agricultural products. Leech also thinks that the United States may experience some economic growth as a result of the trade agreement, but says, “These gains could be offset by companies that take advantage of that country’s cheaper labor and resources, similar to what has occurred under NAFTA with manufacturing jobs moving to Mexico. In this case, Americans would lose decent-paying manufacturing jobs and Colombians would not benefit as the transplanted jobs would pay poverty-level wages in Colombia.”
According to a recent Reuters report, the FTA can expand market opportunities for small and medium-sized firms and boost the local economy. Ricardo Romero of the Bogotá Cambridge University Press doubts that the pact will help his country as it will the United States. “The free trade pact will mainly benefit the United States, as the infrastructure, competitiveness, and quality assurance in Colombia is not ‘there’ yet,” says Romero. “The agreement could prove economically devastating for rural Colombians as the importation of heavily subsidized U.S. food crops would ruin the livelihoods of many Colombian farmers. The consequences of this will not only be increased poverty levels in Colombia, but also higher numbers of farmers turning to the cultivation of illegal drug crops in order to survive,” Leech says. Union leader Francisco Gómez Cuellar says the impact on his country will be large: “The import of goods to the U.S. will result in a Collapse of the Colombian agricultural industry.”
Cuellar says that the impact on people of both countries will include more unemployment, economic decline, and the loss of industries. Alsema is unsure that the benefits will be plentiful for either of the two countries, and says there may just be benefits for private parties. Romero says that the FTA will impact the pharmaceutical and agricultural sectors, and that Colombia has the possibility to sell generic medicine, something that has been restricted in the past. He suggests that Colombia should set its sights further than just the U.S. “In my opinion, Colombia should go more for the constant seek of multinational agreements rather than restricting it to the U.S. This would provide us with the possibility to have more and interesting choices for products and services,” Romero says.
Public opinion regarding the pact seems to vary in Colombia, but Romero predicts that the popular vote will be in support of the agreement. He predicts that around 25 % of the population sees the FTA as a threat to Colombia’s autonomy and the general wellbeing of peasants and workers at large. Alsema also finds that some are skeptical of the agreement, and says, “The majority of people I spoke to about it find it difficult to believe that the U.S. as such an economic monster would be giving presents to a developing country like Colombia. It never has in the past, so why would it do so now?” As a Colombian poll last year showed, more citizens were opposed to the free trade agreement than supported it. Another factor to consider is the underrepresentation of the rural population in public opinion polls, a sector that is overwhelmingly opposed to the FTA.
Alsema elaborates on these underrepresented groups, saying that some who are opposed believe the FTA will threaten Colombia’s small farmers and make the cost of health insurance unaffordable for many. “It ignores the rights of indigenous and minorities and threatens Colombia’s wildlife,” he says. Cuellar also says that the gains of the FTA are at the cost of detrimental conditions for the majority of the poor population, and forces the displacement from the farm lands to the city.
Gomez’s own model of thought shows that an increase in income, employment, and social development would all be positive impacts on the people and economies of the United States and Colombia. Activist Cuellar counters this and says that accepting the pact would be “suicide” for the Colombian economy and prolong the U.S. economic recession. The costs and benefits for the people of each country must be weighed by not just those who will be subject to the FTA, but by those who have the power to enforce it, as well.
Facts -- The Geneva Convention and the Military Commission Act
by Richard Jung Lee
edited by Stine Eckert
I believe that any country that violates human rights should be criticized. The United States,
Is there a human rights double standard in the
Playing by the rules
The United States is permitted to exercise authority in the protection of its citizens. If the president has gone beyond international law or standards often the activities must be curbed. If the methods are lawful or constitutional, they should be permissible. However, Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's attempts to go on the offensive and accuse the United States of wrongdoing does not excuse his violation of international law.
I think it is also a question of what constitutes "torture," as these methods are labeled broadly and we do not necessarily know the exact methods used. As a journalist, I think it is my place to report fairly and accurately on governmental issues and during this transition in leadership, it would not be fair to accuse.
Editorials need to show both sides
by Celia Shortt
edited by Stine Eckert
My editorial dealing with the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, and President of the United States, George W. Bush, would have included a response from President Bush about the accusations leveled against him by President Mugabe. The only statement that resembled a defense from President Bush’s side was, “Bush denies the United States tortures.” Even as a writer of an editorial, I would have tried to show both sides as well as possible and then make a determination from there.
I would include these developments of the United States international human rights incidents during President Bush’s terms with all other incidents of the same nature from other countries throughout the world. These actions violated human rights and should be called such. The United States should not be held to any different standard.
Triple Standards -- The Trickiness of the International Criminal Court and Human Rights
by Lu Tang
edited by Stine Eckert
If I were to write an editorial, I would try to conceive it from a balanced angle. I would put this issue in context to help the readers understand why Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe slammed former President G. W. Bush over human rights and what the responses from the Bush administration were. I would prepare some background knowledge of what happened in the past between these two countries and what reaction to Mugabe’s accusation of Bush is in other countries.
It is true that
Actually if countries are not satisfied with what the Bush administration did to prisoners of war in
Generally speaking, the act that
Why We Elected Obama
by Ellen Schnier
edited by Stine Eckert
It is possible that no nation is completely in compliance with the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. Many nations who have subscribed to these policies make great attempts to follow through with them. They were founded to recognize all people of the world as human beings, who should be treated as such.
While Zimbabwe's President, Robert Mugabe, exaggerates the situation, he brings to light some criticisms of former President G.W. Bush. In his address, he takes no responsibility for his own human rights abuses and attempts to put Mr. Bush's failings on par with his. This is almost laughable, as he is almost solely responsible for creating chaos in Zimbabwe, driving the inflation rate up so their currency is no longer viable and people cannot afford food. Even Nobel peace laureate Desmond Tutu said he was devastated by the human rights violations of Mugabe's government.
His criticisms, however, are not unwarranted. He is not the first to speak about the abuses at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib. Suspects held without being given a trial violates the U.S. Constitution and international codes. The interrogation techniques used at Guantanamo Bay were illegal and went beyond the bounds of U.S. standards and those of the UN Human Rights Declaration. Certainly former President G.W. Bush is at fault as Commander in Chief for allowing such atrocities to stain the image of the United States.
The same can be said for violations of rights within our borders. After 9/11 heavy security measures were placed on Americans in the name of national security such as monitoring their phone calls and records without restriction or notice. Terrified by the possibility of another attack on the United States, former President G.W. Bush put in place measures that many feel violate our freedoms.
In looking back at Mr. G.W. Bush's presidency, many will remember the egregious errors he made in entering a war prematurely and without full information, in allowing torture techniques that had been made illegal, and in holding prisoners hostage in what Mugabe calls "concentration camps." All of these were done (we have to believe) with the best interest of the United States in mind and for the protection of our citizens against a second terrorism attempt.
At what cost was this done, however? Are we better off having killed thousands of innocent citizens in Afghanistan and Iraq, having spent billions upon billions of dollars putting our economy in a tailspin, having violated the freedoms of American citizens, and having violated international codes of human rights just to prevent another attack? Most Americans would probably say no. There is no justification for such egregious violations.
This is why our new President Obama ordered Guantanamo Bay to be closed on his first day of office and has said that the military must follow the prescribed interrogation techniques. He is attempting to right some of the wrongs of the former president and restore some contempt other nations hold for U.S. hypocrisy. Healing needs to take place.
For this reason, writing about other nations' violations of human rights is made easier by the promise of change. Since Mr. Obama took office, he has taken steps to ensure the United States can pursue other nations' failings in this area without President Mugabe's counterargument.
No country is perfect, and no country will ever completely uphold the example of human rights without moments of failure. The range of violations, however, is important to note. Just because the United States does not have a completely unblemished record does not mean our violations are on par with those of Zimbabwe or other nations whose tyrannical dictators suppress the rights of all people in their countries and make violation a habit. We still have a responsibility to attempt to correct the wrongs of other nations, even if we have some problems ourselves.
It is the responsibility of American journalists to expose other nations' human rights violations, but they have an equal responsibility to expose our own. These will appear most likely in separate articles, but there should be articles about our own government's failings and make an attempt to put us on a better path.
Museum Bridges the Cultural Gap between East and West
Photo Courtesy: Museum of Islamic Art
By: Sally Ann Cruikshank
The building rises out of the bay, its unique angles carving a new shape in the Doha skyline. It is the new $300 million Museum of Islamic Art, commonly referred to MIA. It represents not only a change in the aesthetic of the Qatar city, but also a shift in the country’s future as a cultural hub of the Middle East.
The Museum opened its doors to the public in December 2008, and one visitor calls it a “treasure of ancient Islamic history.” The MIA’s design is the work of renowned Chinese-American architect I.M. Pei, who designed the glass pyramids that are now part of the Louvre in Paris, France. The Museum sits on a man-made island in Doha Harbor because Pei did not want any other structures to compete with it.
Pei’s task was to blend the Islamic traditions of the past with modern architecture. Nesma Adb Elaziz, an editor for IslamOnline.net who visited MIA to cover its inauguration says Pei has succeeded. “In every corner you will find both styles going side by side,” says Elaziz.
It is that blending of Islamic tradition and modern ideals which authorities in Qatar hope will translate into a learning experience for visitors to MIA. Inside the Museum, more than 14 centuries of Islamic art and culture are on display, a collection over a decade in the making. Philip Beech, editor of the Qatar Visitor website, says the country’s Emir and his wife want to emphasize Islam as a humanitarian religion and “emphasizing the artistic and scientific achievements of Islam adds another facet to this.”
It is a notion that struck Roxanne Piper Davis, a U.S. expatriate living in Qatar, when she visited MIA for the first time. She calls the Museum a “unique place that allows Muslims and non-Muslims to appreciate their religion and culture at the same time.” “One of my favorite pieces is a picture of the Virgin Mary with Arabic Calligraphy written at the top: ‘There is no God but God,’” Beech says. “There’s speculation that this is meant to emphasize the similarities between Islam and Christianity.”
The opening of MIA could mean more people will get to experience those similarities. The Museum is the first step in Qatar’s plan to become a tourist destination. Elaziz says it is a plan that’s working. “The museum has already attracted the attention of the whole world, with its grand design and extravagant inauguration,” she says. “It gives an opportunity to Qatar to establish itself as a cultural center after being labeled as an oil rich state for a long time.”
Beech says preparations are already underway across Qatar to prepare for an increase in international visitors. A new, larger airport is under construction and more hotel rooms are being built. He says the hope is people will come to see MIA and stay to enjoy the other attractions in the area, such as the singing sand dunes, camel racing, and world-class golf courses.
The curators are already working to make MIA more appealing, by partnering with the British Museum and other museums around the world to display its rare works of art. The Qatar Museums Authority has also announced plans to open a library inside MIA next to an educational center. Piper Davis says it all could lead to a greater understanding between the East and West. “We obviously cannot expect MIA to solve major conflicts, but perhaps it will contribute at least to a small level of understanding and tolerance.”
Monday, February 16, 2009
Need to Change -- Bangladesh’s Election and the Hope and Concerns of its People
by Stine Eckert
Change. That was not only the buzzword for the recent U.S. election and President Barack Obama, but also for Sheik Hasina, the president of the Awami League (AL) party in Bangladesh. Just like the United States presidential campaigns, the promise of change brought an overwhelming victory in Bangledesh’s general election on December 29, 2008. The AL party-led alliance won an absolute majority by taking 258 of 294 parliamentary seats against its main opponent, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Before, a quasi-military government ran the country during a state of emergency. During these 23 months, citizens' fundamental rights were suspended. For Bangladeshis the first general election in seven years was a breakthrough in returning to democracy; 70% participated.
What hopes and concerns harbor Bangladeshis for the promised changes of the new government? – An unemployed biologist, environmental analyst, high school student, human rights activist, journalist, and university administrator answer.
No Proper Democracy Yet
“It is true that Bangladesh is yet to get the proper democracy, but we are in the process,” writes Muhammad Aminul Islam, senior staff correspondent at the Dhaka-based daily newspaper New Age in an e-mail interview. He says that it is yet too early to judge the new government. “Absolute power means absolute corruption,” he says. “I am concerned whether this government can control its members.” Mr. Islam says that between 2001 and 2006 the BNP-led alliance enjoyed a similar majority but crushed the people’s hopes with “unabated irregularities by the ruling party men.” Violence after the recent election by AL rulers and its student wing, he says, has brought back the fear that this government might be a déjà-vu of the BNP rule. He says that his hope lies with the young and fresh but inexperienced ministers whose help the AL administration needs to tackle corruption, reduce inflation and hunger in society.
Despair and a Digital Bangladesh
Twenty-year old Dhaka resident Rukshana Sultana, who recently earned a Master’s degree in biology but is unemployed, writes in an e-mail interview that the election means a lot to her. She says as much as the country is approaching the AL-led administration positively, the people will carefully watch its every step. Sultana says that with the number of unemployed young people rising, the new government should prioritize job creation and lower food prices. Nabila Naomi, an 18-year old high school senior in Dhaka said in an e-mail interview that the new government must lower the price of rice and invest in road repair in smaller areas. She says that she “hates politicians.” Meanwhile, 26-year old Sayed Mohammad Mosharof, who holds a Master’s degree in soil and environmental science and works as an environmental analyst in Dhaka, says in an e-mail interview that he had awaited the election with the “hope of an unlimited horizon.” His wish list for the government includes curbing corruption, state accountability, and lowering food-prices, creating a more technologically advanced “digital Bangladesh.”
Self-Censorship, Torture, and Freer Expression
Dr. Kazi Anis Ahmed, Director of Academic Affairs at the University of Liberal Arts in Dhaka, similarly banks on the government’s promise for increased investment in information technology to benefit higher education. Under the rule of the quasi-military interim government, Dr. Ahmed says in an e-mail interview, “a great deal of self-censorship” was going on among citizens but also writers, intellectuals, and journalists. He disclosed that after some riots had started at a university campus “on very flimsy ground” and spread countrywide, thousands of people including students and some prominent professors were arrested and allegedly roughed up in detention.
One of them was human rights activist and independent journalist Tasneem Khalil. A Human Rights Watch report published in February 2008 details the “The Torture of Tasneem Khalil.” At the time of his arrest Mr. Khalil reported for the respected English language newspaper The Daily Star, CNN, and Human Rights Watch. Among other issues, he covered extrajudicial killings and minority rights. In the report he says that on May 11, 2007 men of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, the military intelligence agency of Bangladesh, arrested him. Khalil writes that during the 22 hours in captivity he was repeatedly verbally abused and beaten. A photo in the report shows a dinner-plate sized purple-red bruise on his left lower back. Mr. Khalil now lives in Sweden.
In an e-mail interview Mr. Khalil writes he would “love to see” the free press as the main weapon to fight hunger and poverty this time. The overwhelming victory of AL was no surprise to him. He predicted such a victory two years ago if free and fair elections were conducted. “People power has once again won the battle for democracy, something to be excited about.” He says the new government appears to be “very serious” about fulfilling promises such as quickly fixing the steeply rising food prices – an issue he says will make or break it. He says AL president Sheik Hasina has selected “some of the brightest and honest faces” in Bangladeshi politics. This, Mr. Khalil hopes, signals a pro-people, left-of-center government for the next five years. But he also says he’s worried about the “fascist tendencies” AL has shown in the past. “[I’m] keeping my fingers crossed, so that we don't have to watch the orgy of political violence anymore or see yet another sham parliament in Bangladesh.”
Everything possible, even reelection
Dr. Ahmed warns of “a certain tendency of partisan administration in public academic institutions will persist but needs to be kept within limits.” He hopes the urgent help needed for the economy is really coming as the AL-led alliance seems to be more “economically aware” than previous administrations. If the government keeps it own members in check and insures that the opposition does not leave the parliamentary process, he suggests, “it may become the first to get re-elected in five years.”
Bangladesh needs to take one step at a time. “Only the struggle for a democratically elected government,” writes Mr. Islam, “can ensure that the people will get the proper democracy one day.” Whereas Mr. Mosharof is enthusiastic that “everything is possible in Bangladesh;” Ms Naomi remains pessimistic: “Neither this government nor [its opponent] BNP can do anything for our country.”
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
Prof. Kalyango Talks to OU-SPJ Chapter about International Reporting
Professor Yusuf Kalyango, director of Ohio University's Institute for International Journalism, recently spoke about international reporting with OU's Society of Professional Journalists chapter. He specifically addressed the challenges and risks of international correspondence. You can view excerpts from the video interview below.
