Vietnam’s Regional Tensions & Growing Pains

By: Lucas Hakes-Rodriguez

Produced and Edited By: Sam Campbell

Workers at a site in Ho Chi Minh City. Photo via World Bank/Flickr.

The relationship between China and Vietnam is decidedly difficult. That’s putting it lightly.

In 2014, tensions between the two countries over a Chinese national oil company moving a platform into the South China Sea resulted in protests, and then riots, in Vietnam. This conflict in the hotly disputed waters has been ongoing, but it’s recently grown inflamed as China flexes superiority in the South China Sea, and thereby, in many countries’ Exclusive Economic Zones.

But Vietnam is also developing because of China, as much as it would like to think it’s doing so in spite of its hefty neighbor to the North, who consistently provides official development assistance (ODAs) to Vietnam. This assistance is multifaceted, be it in the form of building factories, setting up company branches in-country, or mining its natural resources.

“I do hate what China has done to Vietnam.”

China is investing money in Vietnam so that Vietnam can help grease the big Chinese machine, which has been losing momentum as of recent. 

But the ongoing rout in disputed waters is dampening China’s scarcely-perceived good will towards the people of Vietnam. Many laypersons in Vietnam take issue with the Chinese government’s behavior. 

Phuong Do, a junior majoring in English language teaching methodology in Ho Chi Minh City, said, “One of the most strictly illegal actions that China has carried out in Vietnam may be the violation of Vietnam’s sovereignty over Hoang Sa and Truong Sa archipelago."

“I personally think illegal actions of China are morally unacceptable as they cause [sic] bad impact on Vietnam and China as well.”

This conflict between the two governments is unfortunate, in that the Vietnamese people typically don’t have hang-ups over the Chinese people themselves. “I do hate what China has done to Vietnam,” read a comment from Maily Dao, a software engineer from Hanoi, on the answer crowdsourcing website Quora.

“To be exact, [I hate the actions of] the Chinese government. However, as a person, I don’t hate the Chinese people, [because] most of them seem [sic] to be oblivious to what their government has done to neighboring countries.”

Indeed, China’s campaign of swallowing up nearby resources has relationship statuses set to “complicated.”

The Chinese government’s move toward corralling auxiliary income streams in international waters wouldn’t be so difficult to abhor in the minds and hearts of the Vietnamese if relations with China weren’t so beneficial to their development. 

Vietnam News reported that Chinese investment increased dramatically as of recent, from “$312 million in 2012 . . . [to] $7.9 billion in 2014.” In other words, many Vietnamese people see these money showers as Beijing trying to rub salve on the wound as it tears the skin.

The leniency of the Vietnamese government toward foreign investment in the name of rapid growth is allowing exploitative practices to slip through the cracks.

The rush to modernize Vietnam through foreign investment isn’t just a violation of sovereignty, argued Lee, a 21 year-old from Ho Chi Minh City who requested to have his surname and occupation withheld. 

The Taiwanese materials production company Formosa Plastics caused an uproar in April of 2016, when it illegally released toxic waste into the ocean in central Vietnam. “[The Formosa Company] used [the] sea for discharge.... the sea [became] very [polluted] ... [many] fish ... died … and [the] air [and] land [were polluted as well].”

Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc (Vietnam) called Formosa’s 2016 toxic waste dump “the most serious environmental incident Vietnam has faced.” The result of the Taiwanese company’s gross negligence was widespread protest of foreign investment. 

This outrage is a sliver of an ongoing trend across the globe: nationalist sentiments causing people to recoil at the destabilizing potential of globalization. Make no mistake. The Formosa Company’s ecological disaster was not a product of China. But the leniency of the Vietnamese government toward foreign investment in the name of rapid growth is allowing exploitative practices to slip through the cracks.

The tumultuous economic environment in Vietnam is not an easily mendable situation. While it’s unique in that it’s growing and developing, in the already globalized age (and at the heart of a region hotly debated over thanks to globalization), Vietnam has its limitations. 

Oil rig in the South China Sea. Photo via Chris/Flickr.

While the Government of Vietnam has a voice over what happens on land, its presence on sea has been riddled with issues as it emerges as a semi-developed state. In 2014, from May to August, Vietnam had conflicts with the state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, which built oilplatforms in Vietnam’s Exclusive Economic Zone proper.

While China played the role of earnest adventurer in its own economic region, many countries decried its actions. Vietnamese citizens were particularly livid while the Vietnamese government sent envoys to disrupt China’s unwelcome harvest. 

As China continues to apply pressure, the Vietnamese people’s sense of entrapment will only rise.

Lee claimed the situation caused his country much “stress,” and the talks with China in the aftermath were “meaningless,” as they did not convince China to do much of anything.

Ultimately, these growing pains are a sign that when relying on a regional power for support, expecting them to stop with the coddling when it’s time to “spread one’s wings” is fanciful thinking. 

In response, Vietnam is looking across the Pacific to Washington, which has been opening up to Hanoi thanks to President Obama’s “Pivot to Asia.” The Obama Administration’s increased challenges towards Chinese claims of regional control has manifested itself across Southeast Asia, as the President just concluded a tour of countries ranging from Laos to Thailand. According to NPR reporter Michael Sullivan, he skipped the Philippines, after Filipino president, Rodrigo Duterte, called Obama a “son of a whore."

The region in the South China Sea is volatile, as a myriad of nations claim ownership over islands and waters. Vietnam, though still developing, has barriers to break if it hopes to attain economic stability, independence, and congeniality comparable to real players in the global market. 

As China continues to apply pressure, the Vietnamese people’s sense of entrapment will only rise. And as the government continues to allow Chinese money to influence its decisions, it will continue to lose its grasp on an increasingly impatient population and a worldwide economic system that’s indifferent to leaving it behind.

A step back in time

By Lindsay Boyle

In Lusaka, Zambia

For some U.S. citizens, some aspects of Zambian culture and development may seem immature, inappropriate or simply ignorant.

Zambia ~50 years post-independence

Though the United States is far from a global leader in education, Zambia is even worse than the U.S.; only 1.5 percent of their GDP is put toward education, according to The World Factbook, While the average American will attend public schooling for about 16 years and complete high school, the average Zambian is likely to go to school for just 7 years, receiving only an elementary level education.

At some “schools,” such as Shampande Middle Basic School, classrooms consist of nothing more than makeshift chairs composed of piles of bricks scattered under a tree that some children have to walk 10 to 15 miles (16.5 to 25 km) to get to*.

The disparity between the developed and undeveloped areas of Zambia is huge. In the heart of Lusaka, there is electricity, running water, limited Internet access, modern architecture and relatively better road infrastructure than the rural areas. Just on the outskirts of Lusaka as well as in more rural areas, however, little or none of the aforementioned basic infrastructure exists.

Ideology-wise, many Zambians are nowhere near accepting homosexuality and the like as acceptable lifestyles. In some areas, women are still considered lesser than men and are responsible for nearly all “household chores.” In Zambia, that term does not refer to simple cleaning and cooking, but also hard labor tasks such as food and water gathering, which often require spending many hours and traveling many miles.

Some U.S. citizens have expressed a desire to change the way countries in Africa, including Zambia, think about and approach the world, as though they are hopelessly wrong and behind the times.

Honestly, visiting Zambia is like taking a step back in time—the country just gained independence in 1964.

American ~50 years post-independence

Imagine the U.S. only 47 years after it gained independence, in the 1820s. Infrastructure was poor—Native American trails used where roads were not yet existent, plus canals and railroads were just being built.

Technology was not yet very advanced. Inventions such as telescopes, railroads (with horse-drawn cars), and typewriters did not exist until the end of the decade.

In the early 1820s, people in the U.S. were still feeling the effects of the Panic of 1819, a depression that occurred after the economic boom that followed the War of 1812 ended. The U.S. economy was based primarily on agriculture, and thus many people were merely poor farmers.

Society was dominated by white males—women weren’t able to vote or own property and were expected to focus on raising children and performing chores. African Americans (and sometimes other minorities) were condemned to slavery and unequal treatment in many aspects of life. Homosexuality was not considered an acceptable practice.

Even in the U.S., there was a time when the ways of life and thinking were much different than they are now. Becoming an industrialized egalitarian country is a process that takes time. Many critical developments in ideology, technology and infrastructure—including labor laws, methods of communication and inventions—did not occur until the early 1900s, more than one hundred years after gaining independence.

Before U.S. citizens try to tell Zambians the correct things to believe and ways to act, they should take note that post-independence Zambia is so far without any major political and ethno-political conflicts—an attribute the U.S. cannot claim.

Moving forward

It may seem slightly difficult to compare Zambia and the U.S. since they reached independence in different ways. However, they are similar in that they both broke away from colonial rule and were left with a lot of land to develop and opportunity for technological and ideological improvements.

It is apparent that technology, for example, is beginning to ease its way into the Zambian culture, especially in places such as Lusaka. It is already more Westernized than myself and many of my colleagues expected it to be and is likely to continue developing further. With technological improvement, better infrastructure and ideological open-mindedness usually follow.

Although some U.S. citizens would like to come from a point of further development and deliver some kind of revelation to Zambians, they need to realize that things do not work that way. For a truly flourished nation, Zambians will have to grow and learn at their own pace.

Even the U.S. is not yet an ideal nation. U.S. citizens have made their fair share of mistakes along the way and are still learning not to discriminate based on race, gender, orientation, socioeconomic status, religion and other characteristics.

Some people and nations relentlessly strive to develop and to become free from donor-dependency. Yes, there are still nations that seem to be underdeveloped in comparison to the U.S., but given time, some of them will get there.

*An organization called Fountain of Life donated 100 desks to Shampande after hearing of its condition, but other schools in similar situations have not been as fortunate.

Lindsay Boyle is one of 18 students from Ohio University, studying abroad in Zambia over winter intercession, about media, society, and governance, through the Institute for International Journalism.

She is a junior online journalism major with a minor in psychology.